'Why Mandela was angry with Nigeria'

'IT is better to help a friend pay his fine, than tell a lie to
help him cover a crime.' – Nigerian proverb.
It was literally a life-long ambition, and I used every
opportunity to meet the old man in person. I was finally in
a position to press buttons and call old friends to render
favors, and in early 2007 I succeeded. I was told I could
see Mandela for only 30 minutes at his home, but I needed
to get there one hour earlier.
Colleagues I had leaned on were skeptical that I would see
him despite the appointment, particularly since I will not
say it was official. An old South African friend and course
mate from South Africa, who helped, suggested I asked
questions or matters I wanted to discuss with him and
send them in advance. I did not think that was the type of
meeting I wanted, so I did not.
Mandela was surprised when he was told I worked at the
Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but had spent six
months trying to see him to pay my personal respects.
Why did you not go through your colleagues here? I told
him the visit was not official. I just wanted to meet him. He
relaxed and apologised that it had taken that long for me
to see him. Others left us, except a lady, who sat discreetly
away from us. I thought she was a medical person.
How are my Nigerian brothers and sisters? He asked me.
He will not let me take the initiative. 'You know I am not
very happy with Nigeria. I have made that very clear on
many occasions'. Now I was curious. I knew of course that
he led our suspension from the Commonwealth after the
hanging of the late Ken Saro-Wiwa and his Ogoni
compatriots. It was also no secret that South African
governments including one he headed had considerably
cooled off towards Nigeria, and by the time I was meeting
him, Nigeria was a dirty word in most cities in South Africa.
I mentioned that Nigerian people had very strong and
positive dispositions towards South Africa and the
Southern African region, and many were puzzled that
people who marched all the way with South Africans can
be despised by the governments and people of South
Africa. Yes, he responded. Nigeria stood by us more than
any nation, but you let yourselves down and Africa and the
black race very badly.
I knew I was going to get a lecture, so I sat back. He spoke
with passion and anger at a nation, which has one-quarter
of the black race, and had everything, needed to be great,
but is known principally for its dictators and its criminals.
Your country, he said, used to be respected. After your
suspension from the Commonwealth, many western
countries approached me to help in isolating Nigeria so
that it will be easier to bring down your military dictators. I
consulted many African leaders, and all were unanimous in
their advice. They told me to stay clear of Nigeria, that you
will fix your problems. You have done it before. 'But', he
shook his head, 'you have not. Not this time'. The world
will not respect Africa until Nigeria earns that respect. The
black people of the world need Nigeria to be great as a
source of pride and confidence. Nigerians love freedom
and hate oppression.Why do you do it to yourselves? He
remembered Tafawa Balewa, the first leader who gave his
party, ANC, financial contribution.
I saw an opening here. I suggested that all Africans are
bitter at their leaders. With due respect, I said, his
presidency had not changed lives of black South Africans
much, and his successors are not likely to do so. Yes, he
agreed,' but we raised hopes that others can do so. 'He
was back to Nigeria. 'Your leaders have no respect for
their people. They believe that their personal interests are
the interests of the people. They take people's resources
and turn it into personal wealth. There is a level of poverty
in Nigeria that should be unacceptable. I cannot
understand why Nigerians are not more angry than they
are', he continued.
Since it was obvious that he was intent on pouring his
heart out, I decided to let him speak. 'What do young
Nigerians think about your leaders and their country and
Africa? Do you teach them history? Do you have lessons on
how your past leaders stood by us and gave us large
amounts of money? You know I hear from Angolans and
Mozambicans and Zimbabweans how your people opened
their hearts and their homes to them. I was in prison then,
but we know how your leaders punished western
companies who supported Apartheid'. I reminded him
that we had elected governments since 1999, and he knew
some of our leaders in person. Yes, he did. 'But what
about the corruption and the crimes?' he asked? 'Your
elections are like wars'. Now we hear that you cannot be
president in Nigeria unless you are Muslim or Christian.
Some people tell me your country may break up. Please
don't let it happen'.
He sat back. I obviously got a lot more than I bargained
for. Then he mellowed down, and apologized. He had not
even asked me what I wanted to see him for, and he was
tearing at my country. It was fine, I assured him. I merely
wanted to meet him and pay my respects. He then asked
me a lot of personal questions, and in particular what I
was doing personally to improve the capacity of the
Nigerian people to build the nation to be a source of pride
and comfort for Nigerians, Africa and the black race. But
he was in a lecturing mood.
'Let me tell you what I think you need to do' he said. 'You
should encourage leaders to emerge who will not confuse
public office with sources of making personal wealth.
Corrupt people do not make good leaders. Then you have
to spend a lot of your resources for education. Educate
children of the poor, so that they can get out of poverty.
Poverty does not breed confidence. Only confident people
can bring changes. Poor, uneducated people can also
bring change, but it will be hijacked by the educated and
the wealthy'.
'Like South Africa today, sir', I quipped. He paused. 'It will
be difficult for the world to understand that it will take
generations to eliminate the structural roots and effects of
Apartheid.' 'But', I drove the point home, 'You created the
impression that the political compromises and
concessions you made would lead to a dramatic change in
the fortunes of black people'. 'Dramatic?' he asked. 'In
many ways we achieved dramatic results'.' Like in sports', I
pressed further. 'Sports is important to South Africans. It
gave them confidence to believe things are possible. And it
united them'. 'But sir, it created a false sense of progress,
and people here think it is all a gimmick by white people to
create a diversion'.' It is not a diversion, he countered. It is
real. South Africans will have to come to terms with the
reality that their country is a multi-racial, multi-cultural
nation with rich and poor. Any efforts to reduce the gulf
between the races and classes is useful, he insisted.
Then he was back to Nigeria. People had said to him that
South Africa could become an alternative beacon of hope
and inspiration for the black race and Africa. He told them
it was always going to be Nigeria. Nigeria, Egypt and South
Africa can provide a tripod for real change but young
Africans need to capture that vision. 'So', he said to me, 'If
this audience has been useful, I am glad. But it will be
more useful to me if you go back to Nigeria and work to
give young Nigerians good education. Teach them the
value of hard work and sacrifice, and discourage them
from crimes which are destroying your image as a good
people.'
I have re-lived that rare opportunity many times since that
visit. The 30-minute audience lasted for one hour, and I
was escorted out by a man I saw close up as human as
anyone. I had rarely come across such candor about my
country, but it was clearly the product of genuine concern
that one of Africa's greatest assets was being frittered
away.
As he shook my hand to say goodbye, he apologized again
over his comments, but assured me that he would love to
see Nigeria grow and develop into a world economic
power under a democratic system. If there is any comfort
to draw from Mandela's disappointment, it will be that he
may not have observed our free-fall as a nation in the last five years